Sunday, March 1, 2009

Political Ecology of Wildlife Conservation/ Mt. Meru Area

The author of the text, R.P. Neumann, begins his introduction with a couple of startling statistics, stating that Tanzania's elephant population decreased by more than 50 percent in the 80's and 98 percent of its black rhinoceros population is gone as well (Neumann 85). These numbers are staggering and should certainly catch the reader's attention. It's degradation like in the Arusha National Park that Neumann focuses on in his research.
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Neumann claims that what is missing from the debate on what is causing wildlife populations to decline and the solutions to such problems is "the volatile politics of nature protection in rural Africa." He goes on to say that the "establishment of national parks is... a political process" and in colonial Africa, it involved denying resources to whole settlements, "threatening the very existence of communities" (85).

Following the introduction, the author describes the approach that was taken in doing his research, calling it "political ecology" and explains what it encompasses: "the political, economic, and social structures and processes which underlie human practices leading to degradation." Before getting into his research, Neumann describes the difficulties associated with taking a political ecology approach to degradation problems and cites specific examples before concluding that at its "most elemental level, a political ecology perspective entails: (1) a focus on the land users and the social relations in which they entwined; (2) tracing the linkages of these local relations to wider geographical and social setting; and (3) historical analysis to understand the contemporary situation" (86-87).

The author begins the section titled "Political Ecology of Threats to National Parks" by defining degradation as 'a reduction in the land to satisfy a particular use,' and threats as "environmental conditions that 'are in serious conflict with the objectives of park administration and management.' He then goes on to give examples of declining animal populations in Arusha National Park, such as buffalo, giraffe, and eland, and relates that conservationists and government officials chalk such degradation up to "overpopulation and the ignorance and irrationality of local residents," an interpretation that Neumann suggests is "seriously flawed" (88).

The next portion of text deals with historical information of Tanzania's national park system. It begins with the establishment of the Society for the Preservation of the Flora and Fauna of the Empire (SPFFE), a conservation group based in London, which, through an investigation, suggested that forming national parks was critical. Modeling national parks in other parts of the world, the SPFFE "made [it] clear that humans were not welcome in [the] parks, but allowed that under the prevailing political climate, preservation 'cannot be pushed to a point at which it seriously conflicts with the material happiness and well-being of the native population' (89).

The insistence by the SPFFE of the importance of national parks lead to a Tanganyika government proposal to designate 3000-4000 square miles of the Serengeti to become the first national park. As it turned out, however, this was not done without resistance. On one side of the debate were the conseravationists and natural resource professionals, and on the other were officers in charge of the colonies who worried that the conservationists were imposing on the rights of the people. The conflict grew, resulting in destruction of land and the killing of animals. The park was then divided into two areas, one where humans were not allowed and the other where the Masai were allowed to live and graze animals. In 1959, however, a new ordinance was drawn up, basically stating that human rights would have to come second and no humans would be allowed in the park. This pattern was repeated throughout Tanzania (90).

Neumann next focuses on the history of the Arusha National Park. European settlement left little area for the Meru to live and graze their cattle. When the British began ruling Tanganyika, many of the reserves established by the Germans were kept in tact and by 1920 all of Mt. Meru was designated a game reserve and strict state control outlawed settlement, cultivation, and hunting on the land, but some rights were preserved such as the allowance of residents to take produce from the forests for their own use. This and other rights were soon put to question, however, and the indigenous people found themselves submitting to the terms of the Europeans, and then taking their case to the United Nations, where they lost. As years passed, state control grew and tightened and the park eventually expanded from the original 4000 sq mi to 28590 acres in 1969. This expansion and strict rule has caused a severe collapse in grazing and the Meru have little customary rights (93).

Following the historical information of the Arusha National Park, Neumann discusses the current politics and wildlife conservation in the Mt. Meru area. Here the mainstays are coffee production and cattle-keeping. Neumann writes that "[p]articipation in cash crop production has provided the basis for a rising standard of living" but Meru's northern villages are in a much poorer state and Nasula residents are fighting for rights to more land, which is causing concern in the conservationists and state officials. Many of the people have been fined of breaking the state laws by using the land illegally and there is much conflict between the two parties (95).

Neumann states that there is little interest in the people of the of Tanzania to help the conservation efforts. He relates that many of the residents know of poaching in the area but have not told officials who because they feel the park provides no benefit to the village. The people believe that policies place animal rights above those of humans. For example, as the numbers of certain species began to decline, laws were passed that protected them from being harmed if they strayed into local farms. After government-built fences became useless (I found it funny that bull elephants learned to short circuit the wires) residents became helpless (95).

2 comments:

  1. What struck me the most about this article was its description of the complete disregard for the Meru people by colonial powers and subsequently their own government. It is yet another story of those in power taking what they can without caring what happens to whoever was there first. Indeed, the conservation laws do seem to place animal life above human life, above indigenous human life in particular. By doing so, they managed to foster resentment among the indigenous people towards conservationism rather than gaining allies to help protect the animals. In fact, many villagers do not report poachers, while others even aid them. It is not surprising that they have reacted in this manner, as they had no voice in the decisions made about the park, and their lands and resources have been severely limited by outside forces. Thus, the government’s disregard for the indigenous people has resulted in harming the people, as well as the animals the conservationists were supposedly trying to protect. Even then, the local villagers become scapegoats for the declining wildlife populations. When the villagers try to defend their land from further park encroachment, the root causes of this “encroachment” onto park lands are viewed to be that the villagers are criminals who are popping out too many babies and incapable of understanding conservation, when in fact they are using rational strategies to protect their land. That is another interesting factor: the idea that the natives and the park officials both feel that the other group is encroaching upon them, when in fact the natives were there first, and the park is certainly doing the encroaching. I wholeheartedly support animal rights and the protection of endangered species, but I also support human rights. Surely there must have been some way to honor both in the creation of the park. Allowing the indigenous people to remain, perhaps with restrictions on their behavior towards the animals in question, would have prevented the anti-conservationism that formed among the villagers, ultimately resulting in a happier ending for both the people and the animals, I believe.

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  2. Neumann's piece has caught my attention and made me question not only the political ecology of other countries but also the political ecology of the United States. I find animal rights to be incredibly important as well as human rights. In my mind both of these systems should be working together to promote healthy ecology as apposed to the opposite. Looking closer at wildlife conservation in terms of national parks, the nationalizing (politically) of land in rural Africa onw can clearly see that this has caused a backlash from the indigenous people and has sparked an overall political controversy over how best to sove issues pertaining to animal rights as well as human rights. though the political nature of wildlife conservation is played down, political systems are harming ecological systems and the balance between society and nature.

    Blaming ignorance and irrationality on the part of the social may or may not be an accurate assumption. When goverment and politics encroch on existing populations of indigenous people one could assume that the end result is not going to be one that is favorable. Working together using awareness and developmental processes towards the well being of the people and the environment seems to me to be the best solution. Bringing to the foreground the intentions of the politics, preserving the wildlife as well as not altering the cultural integrity of the populations which surround it.

    This seems fairly logical.

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